Political Entities Research Articles

Roundtable: Four Nations

Abstract Nations have long since preoccupied historians. Histories of how nations came to be, how they persisted, and how nations were unmade are innumerable. As a political unit of analysis, the nation has fascinated and divided. On the one hand, histories of the nation have traced the origins of particular nation states, analysing how a large body of people becomes united within a geographic territory through a shared language, a shared identity, and a shared culture. On the other hand, such histories have been criticized for reifying the nation-state, stressing the majority over the minority, and ultimately for obfuscating differences. The nation as a structure can indeed serve the needs of the ruling establishment to create a governing society. How then, can historians retain the nation as a unit of analysis without for example valorizing England in histories of the UK? Why is it so often that in histories of Britain, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales are mentioned as a comparable case and not the focus itself? Is it possible to ensure that histories of the British Isles reject and refuse implicit hierarchies that routinely prioritize one nation over other nations? Fundamentally, is it even worthwhile to study the nation instead of, for example, focusing on specific gendered groups, or ethnic communities or labour movements for instance? By focusing on thematic experiences rather than the nation-state can historians avoid inadvertently reproducing structural inequality in twenty-first-century Britain?

Counter-Terrorism: The Risk of Performativity in Big Data-Based Mass Surveillance

Starting in 2015, the terrorist organization known as the “Islamic State” (IS) experienced a gradual decline in territorial control within Syria and Iraq due to military success on the part of various armies and militias, and it was finally defeated as a political entity in February 2019. As predicted by terrorism experts and announced by the leaders of IS, the gradual fall of the IS led to an increase in terrorist attacks in Europe and the US. To combat these threats, governments and their security services are relying increasingly on big data-based mass surveillance. This paper is concerned with the structure and effectiveness of big data surveillance and strategies in countering Islamist violence. We develop a Bayesian analysis of the effectiveness and performativity of big data-based surveillance and counterterrorism methods, where performativity describes the fact that sometimes the very measures used to prevent terror can themselves contribute to the creation of Islamist violence. Furthermore, we evaluate the ethical dimensions of big data surveillance under the assumption of performativity.

The Role of Political Parties and Volunteer Organizations in the Process of Shaping Political Identity and Human Rights Protection during Military Aggression

The study examines the role of political entities and volunteer organisations in shaping political identity amidst the Russian military aggression towards Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to determine the influence of political parties and volunteer organisations on the processes of political identity formation and human rights protection during martial law. Sociological, graphical, and comparative methods were used during the study. The findings indicate the increasing significance of Ukrainian citizenship, the strengthening of national identity and the consolidation of civil society in Ukraine amidst Russian military aggression. It was established that there are certain disagreements regarding the support of existing and new political parties. At the same time, a significant number of citizens has an uncertain position on the support of specific political parties or the involvement of volunteer organisations in the activities. The substantial consolidation and expansion of volunteer organisations, coupled with increased confidence in their operations, indicates the culmination of the civil nation-building process in Ukraine.

Implementation of Sentiment Analysis using Deep Learning

The usage of internet as well as online platforms is booming day by day. Understanding the public opinions can be beneficial for business and political entities in making strategic decisions. In light of this, sentiment analysis plays an important role to understand the polarity of the public opinions. Today, this ocean of data can be used for the fruitful purposes. Analysis of sentiment textual posts can supply knowledge and information that can be used in citizen opinion polling, business intelligence, social contexts, and Internet of Things (IOT)-mood triggered devices. The main focus is the sentiment analysis based on Emotional Recognition (ER). We are going to implement the model for the prediction of sentiment on the basis of general words length words and emoji over any online platform. We are also going to compare the traditional concept related to sentiment analysis. Using the sentiment analysis we can try to control some illegal activities that are post on online platforms such as Movies Reviews Social media etc. In this model we divide the process in the six phases, first is Data overview, second is Data preprocessing third is Feature Engineering fourth is Model selection, fifth is Model Evaluation and last is Model Deployment We can try to take result in two class those are positive and negative or Good and Bad Sentiment. We can try to make two columns first one for data sample and second for the result. Therefore, the above process conclude that the accuracy of the sentiment analysis will be increases by using the length words and emoji from the data.

AT NEW CROSSROADS OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL SPACE AND GEOPOLITICS

The goals of creating a favorable political environment and political space for yourself and your partners in the international relations of the countries of the world, to be a leader in them, to practice free geopolitics are aspirations that have never become outdated. The consequences of the Second World War somewhat restrained such aspirations and somewhat strengthened the position of diplomacy and liberalism in international relations. Today, before a century has passed since those losses of mankind, this approach is again openly manifested as a strategy of strong states and large political entities to establish dominance at the global level, or to gain a complicated sphere of influence, breaking up and losing without such a possibility, crossing the borders of the region, territory, conscious agreement, diplomatic ethics.

Relations between Siberian and Kazakh Khanates in 15th-16th Centuries

This study explores the stages of interaction in the 15th-16th centuries between two Turkic post-Golden Horde states: the Siberian Khanate and the Kazakh Khanate. The role of the Kazakh factor in the ethnic history of the Siberian Tatars is examined. Primary sources such as chronicles, charters, treaties, and other published documents are utilized for analysis. It is demonstrated that the common tribal composition of these states is linked to the maintenance of close relations between their polities and institutional mechanisms inherited from the previous Golden Horde period. However, the formation of political entities (the Kazakh and Siberian Khanates) in the mid to late 15th century initiated processes leading to the emergence of distinct ethnic communities (Kazakhs and Siberian Tatars) within these states. The traditional belief in historical literature that Kuchum was a ‘Kazakh prince’ is challenged. The author disputes the position of Kazakh colleagues regarding the significant role of the ‘Kazakh’ factor, including Sultan   Urus-Muhammad, in the later period of the Siberian Khanate. The nature of Siberian-Kazakh relations in the 16th century was influenced not only by the interests of the khanates’ rulers but also by external challenges posed by the emergence of new powerful political centers and leaders. The research's relevance stems from the limited exploration of the topic and conflicting approaches to the history of the formation of the Siberian Khanate and the ethnic community of Siberian Tatars in modern historiography.

Carolingian After-Images: Hariulf’s History of St Riquier and Its Context

ABSTRACT Hariulf’s History of St Riquier is usually consulted for detail on liturgical, architectural and political history, but is rarely considered in its entirety. It was written in the changing and competitive world of the late eleventh century, when there were challenges for established communities, both in terms of innovative approaches to monasticism and the emergence of new political entities and potential patrons. In the past that Hariulf creates St Riquier had been the focal point of Ponthieu for generations and had stood the test of time as the conduit of royal patronage and liberality, symbolised by its great Carolingian church built by Abbot Angilbert. It remained, in Hariulf’s view, a centre of monastic excellence, whose abbots responded to and practised contemporary spirituality, and it had adopted strategies to strengthen its position, including care for its patrimony, securing new relics and memorialising its past.

Governance Dialogue through Forms of Political System

Governance is the processes and practices in which issues of concern are decided upon and regulated. It is important to understand and address the problems of political administration through well-known approaches to the concept of governance, such as corporate governance, global governance, good governance and modern governance. Ensuring the needs and expectations of the common citizen are given due regard. Understanding the relationship between fiscal and political decentralization and its forms is must. When centralization becomes a monopoly, it gives a second thought in searching for other Political systems, i.e. federalism, where a federal constitution is considered as a constitutional arrangement --- when the powers of government are distributed between the central and component units. The best examples are the federal systems of larger political entities of the U.S. federal government and the disaggregated federation of Nigeria. Some democratic institutions always tried to fund decentralized governments under the abled and literate civil society for the success of anti-poverty measures, whereas Federalism encourages unity in diversity and is a very potent instrument for national integration in plural societies like the USA, China and India. It only becomes fragile when politicians mobilize support along ethnic lines, as in the case of newly formed countries.

Resisting change: Explaining education policy reforms in Ghana

AbstractThis article examines the complexities surrounding the implementation of comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) within Ghana's basic education system, exploring the intersection of religious, cultural, and political factors. Introducing CSE has sparked significant public discourse and resistance in Ghana, where religious and cultural beliefs are deeply ingrained and often institutionalized in politics. The study utilizes punctuated equilibrium theory to understand the sustained opposition to CSE policy changes. It examines the historical progression of Ghana's educational reforms, highlighting the struggle to maintain cultural and religious values while promoting human rights and gender equality. The contribution of this study is its exploration of the political institutionalization of religion in Ghana, investigating the combined impact of religious bodies, political entities, and civil organizations in shaping public opinion on education policy reform. It further underscores the intricate task of navigating socio‐cultural beliefs and human rights in policy‐making processes.Related ArticlesBingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.Holst, Cathrine, and Mari Teigen. 2024. “The ‘Boy Problem’ in Public Policy.” Politics & Policy 52(1): 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12570.Nchofoung, Tii, Simplice Asongu, Vanessa Tchamyou, and Ofeh Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” Politics & Policy 51(1): 137–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.

Pakatan Harapan’s Performance in the 2021 Sarawak State Election

This article aims to examine the performance of Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the 2021 Sarawak State Election (SSE21). It explains the three main reasons for PH’s dismal showing. First, local-based political parties took advantage of structural weaknesses in Sarawak PH and managed to convince Sarawakians that state rights could only be protected by political entities controlled by Sarawak leaders. Second, the “Sarawak First” sentiment changed the political landscape of Sarawak and increased the sense of solidarity among Sarawakians. It was the driving force behind the campaign messages of the local-based political parties that resonated well among the majority of the Sarawakian voters. Third, the three PH coalition parties in Sarawak, namely Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Parti Amanah Negara (AMANAH) did not have a common political ideology to bind them together, strengthening the common belief that DAP, PKR and AMANAH came together simply out of convenience to gain power. In order to survive in Sarawak, PH needs to rebuild its image and political strategies relevant to the needs of the Sarawakians voters. This article is based on data from online media sources and observations made during the election on 18 December 2021.

Natural Theologies of Gender as National Conservative Political Theology

Abstract National conservatism is a post-liberal political ideology associated with conferences held by the Edmund Burke Foundation. The intellectual core of this ideology is the use of natural theologies of gender to undergird a transnational and interfaith approach to political theology. This mode of political theology is analyzed in the thinking of political theorist Yoram Hazony, theologian R.R. Reno, philosopher Patrick Deneen, and theologian Albert Mohler. These thinkers do more than simply rejecting the premises of liberal democracy as a political order: they all assert the fundamental role of patriarchal gender roles in the survival and prosperity of the nation state. While they hold that the nation is the primary political unit, their understanding of gender is even more fundamental as a foundation for the nation.

Locating Resilience in Ancient Urban Networks

One of the striking features of ancient Mediterranean urbanism is the capacity of individual cities to weather all kinds of shocks, from earthquakes, floods, droughts, plagues, and crop failures to sieges and violent shifts in political gravity. This is all the more remarkable given the environmental precarity of ancient Mediterranean life, and the relative instability of so many of the political entities that ruled them. This paper considers these issues in relation to resilience. Resilience theory was developed in the 1970s to investigate why some ecosystems were better able than others to withstand external pressures. Resilient systems “absorb shocks”, “spring back”, or simply “adapt” after major disruptions. The idea has been borrowed by social scientists, including archaeologists and town planners. This paper will ask where resilience is to be located in the ancient world, and will consider the role of urban economics, networks and imperial polities in promoting resilient cities in antiquity.

Waka’ Stela 44 and the Early Classic Kaan hegemony

Abstract The Kaan (“Snake”) kings, a powerful political entity in the Classic Maya Lowlands, were housed in the Early Classic period at Dzibanche, and they moved their capital to Calakmul by the year a.d. 642 (Helmke and Awe 2016; Martin 2020:138–139). Their network of alliance and intermarriage radiated southward, and Waka's early eighth-century queen, Lady K'abel, was from the Kaan bloodline and married in to the Wak lineage, exemplifying the close connection between the two political entities. The discovery of Stela 44 in tunneling efforts in M13-1, the city's important ritual center, allows us to trace political ties between the Kaan and Wak kings to significantly earlier than previously known, which seem to begin around the mid-sixth century. This monument provides insight into three converging lines of evidence supporting the profound alliance these elites had built: first, the accession of a Wak king, Wa'oom Uch'ab Ahk, under the supervision of the Kaan king K'ahk’ Ti’ Ch'ich’; second, the father of the new king, Chak Tok Ich'aak, seems to be connected to La Corona, another early Kaan ally; and third, the mother of Wa'oom Uch'ab Ahk, Ix Ikoom, is also connected to La Corona and the broader Kaan hegemony through her title ix sak wahyis.

Between World-Imagining and World-Making: Politics of Fin-de-Siècle Universalism and Transimperial Indo-U.S. Brotherhood

Abstract: Universalism has driven many imaginations of the world. From civilizational discourse to cosmopolitan ethics, universalism as an idea and ideal have mobilized various political units, social activism, and religious movements. This article introduces a hitherto neglected expression of religious universalism in the fin-de-siècle—Indo-U.S. brotherhood. Unlike other colonial Indian and U.S.-American connections, this alliance was designed to be ephemeral and rooted in the transimperial moment of rising U.S. power, rather than in anti-imperialism. The article traces the emergence, dispersion, and afterlives of transimperial Indo-U.S. brotherhood to reveal the politics of universalism, which involved processes of marginalization and unfolded around the intersection of gender, race, and religion. The article reorients us to move beyond the important discussion of “multiple universals” and to place ephemerality and exclusion at the center of our historical investigation of how universalism has shaped diverse world-imagination and world-making.

The banning of political parties in post-Yugoslav states. Croatian and Serbian experience in using militant democracy

ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to explore the effectiveness of a classical militant democracy instrument, as banning of extremist parties since the beginning of the political transition in 1990s in post-Yugoslav states. Comparative studies are based on Croatian and Serbian experiences, when since political transition new types of political regimes started developing as part of a boom for national parties that could guarantee consolidation of the state. The methods employed for the analysis are the qualitative analysis of sources. Corpus of sources includes national legislation, official documents, NGOs’ reports, and media content related to banning political entities. Conclusions from the study provide knowledge fill the gap in the state of art about circumstances for dissolving anti-democratic entities in the post-Yugoslav states. Moreover, they allow to verify relevant approaches and models of anti-democratic organizations, encompassing the specific types of political culture in Croatia and Serbia.

GEOSPATIAL TECHNIQUES FOR MAPPING AND ANALYSIS OF CLIMATIC VARIABLES IN GOMBE STATE, NORTH-EAST NIGERIA.

This study was carried out to apply satellite- based climatic data in geospatial environment to downscale climatic data into smaller political units and to generate and analyse thematic maps of climatic variables in Gombe State. Spatial climatic data on rainfall, minimum and maximum temperature were obtained from DivaGIS climatic data, while water vapour, solar radiation and wind speed were derived from the WorldClim climatic data. Monthly climatic records from 1981-2021 in twenty-four points evenly spread across Gombe State on rainfall, minimum/maximum temperature and relative humidity were obtained from NASA Power Project to generate the trends and seasonal patterns of temperature and rainfall. Daily climatic records of rainfall were also acquired from globalweather climatic data between 1979 and 2013 and processed to derive the values of rainfall indices using Nieuwolt formula. The monthly climatic records were processed using the kriging module of ArcGIS to transform the point climatic data to spatial data. The result revealed that rainfall in Gombe State occurs mainly between May and September with the peak in August, while the trends in rainfall was decreasing at the southern and northern parts of the state but increasing at the central region. Rainfall onset occurs in the 1st or 2nd week of May in the south, but late (1st week of June) in the north. Rainfall cessation at the central and northern parts of the state occurs in the 3rd or 4th weeks of September, while the southern part experiences late cessation between the 1st and 3rd week of October. The LRS ranges from 95-111 and 160-175 days in the northern and southern parts respectively. High relative humidity was recorded between May and October with the peak in August. Spatial patterns of solar radiation and wind speed were also generated and analyzed. Awareness of the use of satellite based climatic data and geospatial techniques for downscaling climatic data were recommended in order to ease the problems of lack or inadequate climatic data for spatial mapping. Causal factors for the spatial patterns of climatic variables in Gombe state was suggested for further studies.

Why Violence Cannot be Prevented in Healthcare Settings in Türkiye?: A Retrospective Policy Analysis.

Preventive policies have been devised with the aim of curbing health-related violence, and their efficacy is believed to furnish evidence for their continued implementation, thereby enhancing their effectiveness. This study undertakes a retrospective analysis of these policies in the context of Türkiye. A comprehensive examination involved the review of 26 documents, employing a progressive scanning approach for data collection. This methodology encompassed the utilization of gray literature databases (OECD iLibrary and WHO Iris), extensive Google searches, thorough website scans, and consultations with subject-matter experts. Data analysis was meticulously conducted within the framework of the Health Policy Triangle. The findings reveal active participation from diverse stakeholders, including governmental bodies, political entities, professional organizations, and trade unions, in various preventive initiatives aimed at mitigating health-related violence. Notably, the adoption of legislation for health violence prevention, perceived as a paramount achievement, can be attributed to persistent efforts by both the media and other influential actors and stakeholders. These endeavors have sustained the topic's prominence on the policy agenda, positioning it as a promising source for the development of novel violence prevention and management strategies. This study underscores the necessity for a comprehensive investigation into the working conditions, personal rights, and wage policies of healthcare workers, in light of documented factors that frequently precipitate violence. Concomitantly, it advocates for the development of effective mechanisms to address these issues.

Externalising Migration Controls through Development Programs in Egypt

ABSTRACT Since the turn of the millennium, development aid has become more and more entangled with border externalization policies by political entities, such as the European Union. Responding to the increased arrival of refugees in 2015, the European Union formed the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), earmarking 3.4 billion Euros to fight “the root causes of irregular migration”on the African Continent. Within the scope of the EUTF, Egypt receives major funds from the program. This paper examines the impact of recently introduced development and livelihood programs, as well as educational and vocational training for migrants and refugees in Egypt under the EUTF. Thereby it shows how the EU aims at transforming Egypt from a so-called transit state to a destination country. The paper further explores how these programs are reshaping the political, humanitarian, as well as migratory landscapes in Egypt, and how EUTF funds are transforming the development, as well the humanitarian sector in the country, beyond its impacts on transit migration stricto sensu.

Linking climate change adaptation and public health: perspectives of Norwegian policymakers.

To explore the perspectives of selected Norwegian climate and health policymakers working at national and municipality level regarding how health is accounted for in climate change adaptation plans. Semi-structured digital interviews were conducted with representatives from eight municipalities participating in a national network for climate change adaptation, one political unit and five national public administrations working in climate, health, environment, preparedness, and civil protection. Municipalities coordinate the development of climate change adaptation plans with support from key national actors. Although municipalities were experienced in preparing for extreme climate events and securing infrastructure, limited consideration was given to health in the climate change adaptation work. Such integration was hindered by lack of resources and knowledge regarding what to do, and lack of collaboration between municipality sectors. To connect climate change adaptation and health better, the representatives suggested providing evidence-based information regarding health impacts of climate change, developing concrete tools including warning systems, and implementing regional, national, and international projects to map the impact of climate change and raise capacity. The representatives called for more stringent national guidelines for the integration of health in climate change adaptation, and pinpointed that lessons learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic will enable municipalities to be better prepared and more adaptable in the future. Governmental authorities should provide more concrete guidance regarding the integration of health in climate change adaptation plans. Public health authorities have a central role to play in supporting such endeavours.

Review on the Relationship Between Mahan and Baekje: The Same Entities with Different Names

Currently, in Northeast Asia, where Korea, China, and Japan are located, there is still a fierce debate over the extent of the territories in ancient history. This research aimed to prove that Mahan and Baekje, ancient Korean states, were essentially the same entitty only with different names employing new methodologies including comparative analysis of ancient Historical records from Korea, China and Japan, analysis of clans and place names, as well as examination of various inscriptions, stele texts, and genealogical data. The research results revealed that Baekje, referred to as Dongyi tribes in China and as Gudara in Japan was confirmed to be another name of Mahan. Baekje was established as a tributary of Mahan in the ancient land of Daebang and Mahan and Baekje coexisted peacefully for over 460 years, and they even engaged in a division of roles in diplomatic activities. In Tang Dynasty, when Baekje was conquered, King Kim Chun-chu of Silla was appointed as the general secretary of the Yuyi Clan Conquest. The titles of Yuyi and Mahan also appear in the positions of Su Dingfang, which refers to the Mahan forces that existed around the Yeongsan River basin as Yue Zhi. All these facts confirm that Mahan and Baekje were indeed the same entities, merely known by different names in historical Records. The aforementioned research results demonstrate that Mahan-Baekje was a very Powerful political entity spanning the Korean Peninsula, the northeastern region of China, and the Japanese Archipelago. This serves as strong evidence against the claims of China’s Northeast Project and Japan’s theory of the Imna Japan Province, highlighting the historical inaccuracies in these assertions.